The process of cluster assimilation was nevertheless conditioned: obstruents did not assimilate to following liquids, and voiceless obstruents did not assimilate to following voiced obstruents, hence *bAlakaŋ > blakɛ ‘back’ and *tiŋɡələm > tɡəlɛ ‘to sink’. For instance, Sanskrit kapāla > **kpala > ppalɔ ‘head’ and Proto Malayic *(mb)Ar-jalan > **bjalan > ɟɟalɛ ‘to walk’. I show that disyllables with initial geminates in Kelantan Malay can be traced back to historical trisyllables, and initial geminates arose from antepenultimate vowel loss and subsequent cluster assimilation. There is less agreement in the typological literature regarding the distribution of durational contrasts in non-intervocalic environments. In this talk, I report on word-initial geminates in Kelantan Malay and their phonological history.Īll consonants, except for glottals and glides, can appear geminate in Kelantan Malay. Edge geminates: Word-initial versus word-final. Kelantan Malay, often known to be one of the most aberrant Malay dialects, is one of the few languages that exclusively have geminates in word-initial position. showing that word-initial and word-final geminates are perceptually less salient because the difference in duration between geminates and singletons is less. Production patterns of the voiced geminates are considered in relation to marginal or intermediate phonological contrast.While word-initial geminates are cross-linguistically rare, they are found in a handful of languages ( Thurgood 1993, Muller 2001). These results indicate that, although word-medial voiced geminate stops are fully or partially devoiced, the Tokyo Japanese speakers lengthen the preceding vowels (V1) to maintain a voicing contrast.
The first four spectral moments of C2 stop release bursts did not distinguish the length and voicing contrasts in stops. In the data that follow, we will be looking at cases in which a geminating sound process applies across a word boundary in Central. The duration of the preceding vowel (V1) distinguished the voicing contrast in both singleton and geminate stops. The devoicing of the word-medial stops was not only observed in voiced geminates, but voiced singletons also showed devoicing. They are also produced with a noticeable degree of aspiration, leading some people to claim that the true phonemic feature is aspiration, but I believe studies have indicated that the length is the primary distinguishing factor. In contrast, C2 duration of the voiceless and voiced geminate stops was not significantly different. Cypriot Greek quite notoriously has word-initial geminates that are absent from Standard (Demotic) Greek. The findings suggest that the voiceless and voiced singleton stops were clearly differentiated by C2 duration. The present study investigates whether recently introduced word-medial voiced geminate stops are differentiated from voiceless geminates and voiced singletons in terms of duration, voicing during closure, and spectral moments of stop release bursts. And, as shown in (2), lexical geminates are attested in absolute initial and final positions, in addition to the more frequently attested word-intervocalic. Tokyo Japanese has a constraint against voiced geminate stops in its native lexicon.
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